Loše stvari dolaze u paketu, za dobre stvari treba vremena.
Brzo dodjosmo do sustine citave price, najbitnije je da se sazna jesu li momci belvederasi ili crkvenjaci, kako najjace
Last edited by Rodion Romanovich; 18-04-23 at 00:23.
Prijeki je prvi rekao da se treba bavit sustinom a ne targetiranjem polovine stanovnistva. Pet minuta nakon sto je otkriveno da se napad desio orkestrirano su se javili "nezavisni analiticari", politicari dobro poznati sakupljaci poena da osude litijase i ogrebu se.
Da ne pricamo o Anteni M i nezvanicnim saznanjima i sramnim tekstom.
Cim bude za ostale pisem. Istraga u toku. Ovaj punoljetni je fan srpske sparte.
Last edited by PrijekiLijek; 18-04-23 at 01:37.
Ada Bar nije NY da se ne sazna ko su i čija su. Blizanci i braća + 1 junak sa Tiktoka!
Što bi rekla čuvena rečenica za roditelje "Lijepo ste nas vaspitali
Ovi su pušteni da se brane sa slobode,kako napisa majka-novinarka jednog od povrijedjenih,dok je ovom od 18god.odredjeno zadržavanje do 72h.
Ovaj punoljetan će najgore proći,sva krivica će na njega pasti,a ostala 4 sto bi se po barski reklo"izio vuk magarca"
Jbm takav zakon da maljotnici mogu da čine sto hoce. Nadam se da je ovo način da se krene nesto promjeniti.....
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Sjebali ste Tripletu sa ovim prvim tatom.
Having a parachute greatly increases your chance of surviving a long fall.
Have a parachute.
1) Nebitno je za koga si i čiji su.
2) Odradili su nešto nenormalno
3) Treba im odrediti kazne. Makar društveno koristan rad.
Ostalo je sve mlaćenje slame...
Poslato sa Ultra S22 pisaće mašine
............ Ż\_(ツ )_/Ż.............
Zato treba preskočiti prepucavanje i odgovore takvim ljudima.
Poslato sa Ultra S22 pisaće mašine
............ Ż\_(ツ )_/Ż.............
Jedino Bugi dade pravi komentar sve ostalo je kameno doba....
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Mi smo jedna jako uvredljiva nacija kad nam se kaze istina
https://www.vijesti.me/vijesti/crna-...i-iz-crne-gore
nothing comes from violence and nothing ever could
Evo na jutarnji bas dobri razgovori na temu vrsnjackog nasilja
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Evo u originalu
Some of the most shocking phone intelligence, investigators say, comes from Montenegro. In the nineteen-nineties and two-thousands, the most lucrative racket for Montenegrin gangs was smuggling cigarettes into Europe, primarily through the Adriatic port of Bar. Such trade continues, but tobacco now has a serious competitor: cocaine. The country’s two most effective criminal groups, the Kavač and the Škaljari, are named for neighboring areas in the harbor city of Kotor. These gangs have networked with the Balkan diaspora to forge connections with South American drug producers and European financiers, and they now move narcotics in vast quantities. The two groups are also committed to exterminating each other: some fifty members of the gangs have been killed by rivals in recent years.
In Montenegro, organized crime is a frequent but dangerous topic of conversation. Since the population is only six hundred and twenty thousand, and since smuggling is a high-turnover business in a small economy, and, furthermore, since the trade cannot continue without some complicity from state officials, when you talk of crime in Montenegro you are often talking about politics. In 2003, anti-Mafia prosecutors in Italy accused the Montenegrin Prime Minister, Milo Đukanović, of being the linchpin of a cigarette-smuggling racket. He was also accused of conspiring with senior figures in the Camorra crime family. For twenty months, Italian investigators wiretapped Đukanović (the old-fashioned way). He had, they later wrote, “promoted, set up, directed and, in any case, participated in a Mafia-type association” that had turned Montenegro “into a paradise for illicit trafficking.” Đukanović, who denied the charges, had diplomatic immunity and never faced trial in Italy; the case against him was dropped in 2009. For a long time, the scandal didn’t harm him politically. He and his party, the D.P.S., remained in power until 2020, and Đukanović held the largely ceremonial role of President until this year. (He was defeated in a runoff by Jakov Milatović, a young pro-E.U. candidate.)
A handful of campaigning journalists have been reporting on the nexus of crime and governmental corruption in Montenegro. On a trip to the country this past January and February, I met with two of the most daring of them: Olivera Lakić, of the news portal Libertas, and Jelena Jovanović, of the newspaper Vijesti. Death threats against both women have been common, and security guards protect them twenty-four hours a day. In 2018, Lakić was shot in the leg, in broad daylight. The same year, Jovanović was interviewing a source at a café when the man was murdered in front of her. None of the bullets that the gunman fired hit Jovanović, but she sees the killer’s “orange eyes” in her nightmares.
After Sky E.C.C. was infiltrated, the balance of power suddenly swung toward reporters in Montenegro, where the network had been popular. Europol analyzed the billion messages that it had harvested from the bust using software, developed by the agency, that scoured texts for key words and phrases. The word “liquidate,” in several languages, prompted an alert; so did “sleep” and “crack”—code words for murder. In mid-2021, Europol sent the first of many intelligence packages to Montenegrin prosecutors detailing major crimes and graft that implicated top officials in state institutions. The contents of the packages were secret, but at least one source in Montenegro, worried that the intelligence might be buried by corrupt prosecutors, leaked the documents to journalists. This fear was justified: a special prosecutor, Saša Čađjenović, was arrested this past December for having failed to act on Europol intelligence packages that were damning both to senior figures in the Kavač gang and to police officers covering up the gang’s activities. (Čađjenović is in jail awaiting trial.)
In April, 2022, Olivera Lakić wrote an astonishing report for Libertas based on the Europol intelligence. It detailed how Milos Medenica, the son of Vesna Medenica, one of Montenegro’s most senior judges, appeared to have plotted with a corrupt police officer to import cigarettes and cocaine through Bar’s port. In one text, Milos told the policeman, “Right now I’m working on cigarettes. You know 100% I left for Bar from 11p.m. on Thursday.” Moreover, intercepted messages sent by Milos suggested that his mother was protecting the illegal enterprise. Vesna, he said, had the power to influence judges in criminal cases, and even to initiate multimillion-dollar embezzlement cases against her son’s enemies. “I went to her,” Milos texted one correspondent, according to a later story, in Vijesti. “Everything is going as it should, preparations are being made who will handle the case.”
The reports spurred prosecutors into action. Vesna was arrested before she could board a flight to Belgrade, and Milos subsequently surrendered. The trial of the Medenicas and several alleged co-conspirators is scheduled to begin in May in the capital, Podgorica. At a preliminary hearing that I attended, the courtroom wasn’t big enough, and some defendants were sitting among lawyers and reporters. Vesna, wearing a black ensemble and spiked heels, sat two rows in front of journalists from Libertas, whose reporting had helped precipitate her downfall. It’s a small country.
Even before the encrypted-phone stings, Transparency International had ranked Montenegro as one of the most corrupt nations in Europe. Nevertheless, the scale of the graft revealed by the Sky E.C.C. bust was even bigger than expected. During my visit, a fresh Europol intelligence package arrived, based on Sky E.C.C. messages. Several government ministers and law-enforcement figures told me that it detailed the activities of a dozen Montenegrin police officers who had communicated with criminals on the network. In fact, Europol’s intelligence about the police force was worse than I had been led to believe. According to a March report in Libertas, élite officers had used Sky E.C.C. to send photographs of themselves torturing suspects to friends within the Kavač gang; in the wake of the report, the director of police was fired, and twelve more police officers were arrested.
Dritan Abazović, Montenegro’s young and charismatic Prime Minister, has campaigned against organized crime and its facilitators. This stance, among others, has decreased his popularity—he lost a vote of confidence in August and now leads a lame-duck Parliament—but he still seems committed to the fight. I visited his office in January and asked him about the impact of the Sky E.C.C. sting. “It was like an atomic bomb had come to Montenegro,” he said. “High-level policemen, the head of the judiciary! After all of our suspicions . . . finally, we can say, ‘This is really something that is happening.’ ” He continued, “The opening of the Sky application was the most powerful weapon in the history of our fight against organized criminal groups.”
izvor: https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2...crypted-phones
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Jos jedan interesantan tekst o korupciji
https://timesofmalta.com/articles/vi...cassar.1024853
.
On April 2, Milo Djukanovic lost the presidency of Montenegro, being resoundingly defeated at the polls. Djukanovic, a close friend of Joseph Muscat, had been in power for over 34 years.
Like Muscat, and their common friend, Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev, Djukanovic was on that exclusive list ‒ most corrupt man of the year. He won that dubious honour in 2015, Aliyev in 2012, Muscat in 2019. You don’t get the title for outdoing everybody else in corruption for nothing. The three leaders collaborated closely on some stinking deals.
Having a parachute greatly increases your chance of surviving a long fall.
Have a parachute.
Pocinje saslusanje
https://rtcg.me/cir/tv/gledaj-tvcg3.html
nothing comes from violence and nothing ever could
nisu se zaboravili, nisu
nothing comes from violence and nothing ever could
B92: Pomama za francuskom državnom sekretarkom na naslovnici Plejboja, štampa se još 60 hiljada primeraka https://superzena.b92.net/zivoti-poz...nav_id=2319696
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